“Khamenei’s Final Hours? Tehran Goes Dark as Millions Rise Up, Pushing the Mullah Regime to the Edge of Collapse
Tehran Goes Dark, the Streets Light Up
On the night of January 10, Tehran fell into darkness. Power was cut across large sections of the capital, along with blackouts reported in Mashhad, Tabriz, and other major cities. What the Iranian regime appeared to believe was a final crowd-control tactic instead became one of the most striking images in the country’s modern history.
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As electricity vanished, hundreds of thousands of people gathered in Punak Square and surrounding neighborhoods, raising their mobile phones high above their heads. In pitch-black streets, the glow of countless white lights flooded the night. It was not chaos. It was coordination. And it sent a clear message: fear no longer worked.
For many observers, that moment marked a turning point. Not just another protest. Not just another night of unrest. But the first visible sign that the Islamic Republic’s grip on its capital was slipping.
A Strategy Shift From Protest to Control
Unlike previous waves of demonstrations that erupted sporadically over the past decade, the events of January 10 did not appear spontaneous. According to multiple opposition sources, this uprising followed a deliberate strategic shift outlined days earlier by Reza Pahlavi, Iran’s exiled crown prince.
In a widely circulated message, Pahlavi moved beyond symbolic encouragement and issued what sounded less like political rhetoric and more like operational guidance.
“Our goal is no longer just to take to the streets,” he said. “Our goal is to prepare to conquer and defend city centers.”
The language mattered. This was no longer about marches that dispersed at dawn. This was about holding ground. Protest zones were transformed into territorial claims. Intersections became squares. Neighborhoods became safe zones. And the crowd was no longer leaderless.
When the Regime Pulled the Switch
Blackouts have long been a familiar tactic of authoritarian control. Darkness limits communication, disorients crowds, and reduces visibility for both organizers and cameras. But in Tehran, the blackout backfired spectacularly.
Rather than retreating indoors, the crowds stayed put. Phone lights replaced street lamps. Chants echoed louder. The darkness became a stage, and the illuminated crowd became impossible to ignore.
Psychologically, it was devastating for the regime. The Islamic Republic has relied for decades on fear as its primary enforcement mechanism. That night, fear was replaced by defiance, broadcast live from the streets.
The blackout was meant to isolate. Instead, it unified.
Neighborhoods Slip From State Control
By midnight, reports emerged that entire areas in northern Tehran, including Punak and Janatabad, were effectively outside government control. Traffic was blocked not by police, but by civilians. Barricades were erected. Security forces withdrew.
Farazadi Square, a strategic junction in the capital, was overtaken completely. Police units reportedly avoided reentry. For the first time since 1979, large sections of Tehran were functioning without visible state authority.
This was no longer protest. It was urban seizure.
Observers began using a term once unthinkable in Iran’s context: liberated zones.
A Nationwide Flashpoint
What paralyzed the regime further was geography. Tehran was not alone.
Simultaneous unrest was reported in Mashhad, Khamenei’s hometown and one of the regime’s most important ideological centers. Tabriz, Isfahan, Rasht, Karaj, and multiple provincial capitals erupted at once. Security forces were stretched across all 31 provinces.
Estimates from opposition networks suggest more than 1.8 million people were on the streets nationwide by early evening, with numbers potentially doubling by midnight as momentum spread.
The regime’s long-standing strategy of concentrating force at the capital collapsed under the weight of simultaneous unrest everywhere else.
The Message to Khamenei
Perhaps the most psychologically potent aspect of the uprising was not the size of the crowds, but the message directed at the Supreme Leader himself.
Protesters openly mocked Ali Khamenei, urging him to flee to Moscow and seek refuge alongside other fallen strongmen. The rhetoric stripped him of authority and recast him not as a ruler, but as a man preparing an exit.
This tactic matters. Revolutions often succeed not when regimes are overpowered, but when they are delegitimized. When leaders are no longer feared, but ridiculed.
In the streets of Tehran, Khamenei was no longer spoken of as untouchable. He was spoken of as finished.
Fires, Symbols, and the End of the Social Contract
As the night wore on, anger took a more destructive form. Government buildings were torched. Tax offices burned. Municipal centers were attacked.
These were not random acts of vandalism. They were symbolic strikes against the state’s memory and economic authority. Protesters were no longer asking for reform. They were rejecting the system outright.
Even more telling was the response—or lack of one. Fire departments failed to intervene in multiple locations. Local authorities appeared absent. The machinery of governance stalled.
The message was unmistakable: the social contract between state and citizen was over.
The Return of a Forbidden Name
For years, chants in favor of the Pahlavi monarchy were considered fringe, even taboo. That changed dramatically.
Across cities and provinces, slogans calling for the return of the Shah echoed through the night. “Long live the King” rang out not just in Tehran, but in conservative strongholds once considered immune to such sentiment.
For many protesters, the chant was less about restoring a monarchy and more about reclaiming an identity erased in 1979: secularism, modernity, and connection to the world.
Reza Pahlavi’s promise to return “when conditions allow” gave the movement a destination. Revolutions need symbols. That night, the crowds chose one.

A Crack From Within the Regime
While the streets burned, an unexpected voice added fuel from inside the system.
Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian publicly lamented the economic decline since the revolution, comparing modern Iran unfavorably to the pre-1979 era. His remarks, referencing lost purchasing power and diminished quality of life, stunned observers.
Such admissions from a sitting president are rare. To many analysts, they sounded less like criticism and more like confession.
By acknowledging that life had been better before the Islamic Republic, Pezeshkian undercut the ideological foundation of the regime itself.
Paralysis in Uniform
Perhaps the most dangerous development for the regime came from the security forces.
Reports and videos circulated showing soldiers refusing orders, retreating from crowds, or passively observing protests. In some cases, uniformed personnel appeared to side with demonstrators.
No authoritarian system survives without the loyalty of its armed forces. Even hesitation can be fatal.
As divisions deepened at the top, confusion spread down the chain of command. Officers no longer knew whom they were defending, or why.
Memory as a Weapon
A powerful undercurrent of the uprising was nostalgia—not as fantasy, but as comparison.
Through archived videos and social media, younger Iranians have discovered a pre-revolutionary Iran filled with music, art, free universities, and women in public life without restriction. To them, it feels like a stolen future.
Economic data reinforces the emotional pull. A strong currency. A growing middle class. A passport that opened doors.
The contrast is stark, and it fuels rage.
Past the Point of No Return
By the early hours of January 11, one conclusion seemed unavoidable: something fundamental had shifted.
The regime had used every tool at its disposal—violence, censorship, blackouts. None worked. Each escalation only widened the resistance.
When the lights went out, the people became the light.
Whether the Islamic Republic collapses tomorrow or limps on longer, the events of that night suggest the endgame has begun. Fear is gone. Authority is fractured. A vision, however contested, has emerged.
Iran woke up that morning not as a free country, but as a changed one.
And history rarely turns back once that line is crossed.