Sunday 22 June 1941. At dawn, German forces attack the Soviet Union and begin a war that is fought not only against soldiers, but also against civilians. From the very beginning, mass murder becomes part of German rule in Eastern Europe. People are arrested, shot, hanged, burned, or killed in gas vans far behind the front lines.
Jews, Communists, and anyone suspected of resistance are treated as enemies. To carry out this terror, German units rely on local helpers who know the towns, the villages, and the people, and who agree to help kill their own compatriots. In 1942, as German forces push into southern Russia, this machinery of terror reaches cities like Krasnodar. Occupation brings fear, executions, and mass graves.
While German soldiers and police give the orders, Soviet collaborators help with arrests, guarding prisoners, and escorting victims to their deaths. When the Red Army retakes the city in February 1943, graves are uncovered, witnesses speak and the truth is exposed. Justice is neither hidden nor delayed.
It is made public and those who helped the Germans murder their own people will pay for their crimes with their lives. This moment becomes known as the Krasnodar Trial. The Second World War began on 1 September 1939 and less than 2 years later on 22 June 1941 Germany invaded the Soviet Union, its partner in the war against Poland. The crimes that would later be prosecuted in the Krasnodar Trial began more than a year after Operation Barbarossa was launched.
In the summer of 1942, German forces advanced deep into the southern regions of the Soviet Union, aiming to secure territory and resources in the Caucasus. On 12 August 1942, Krasnodar — whose population had already been reduced to roughly 150,000 by war and evacuations — fell into German hands.
The city came under the control of the German 17th Army, which was part of the Wehrmacht – the German Armed Forces and was supported in Krasnodar by the SS, the Nazi paramilitary unit and the Gestapo, the Nazi secret police responsible for repression, arrests, and executions. Communist civil administration was replaced by German occupation rule based on fear, racial ideology, and collective punishment.

German security forces began mass arrests of the civilian population almost immediately. Jews were identified, registered, and seized, often with the help of local collaborators who knew the population and could point them out. Communists, Red Army veterans, and people suspected of sympathy for partisans were also detained.
Others were arrested simply because they were falsely denounced by neighbours or happened to be just in the wrong place at the wrong time. It did not matter what the reason was, arrest usually meant death or at least torture. Central to the terror in Krasnodar was the activity of Einsatzgruppe D, a German mobile killing unit, tasked with mass murder of the civilian population behind the front lines.
Its subunit Sonderkommando 10a operated in and around Krasnodar. These units did not act secretly or sporadically – they carried out killings openly and repeatedly, often in daylight, sometimes in public squares or near busy roads, as a deliberate demonstration of German power over the civilian population. Victims were marched under guard to execution sites outside the city.
Civilians watched, knowing that silence and cooperation with the Germans were often the only way to survive. One of the most common methods of killing by the Germans in the east, therefore also in Krasnodar, was mass shooting. Groups of detainees were taken to ravines, anti-tank ditches, or pits on the outskirts of the city.
There they were ordered to undress, line up at the edge, and were shot from behind. People fell into the pits, often still alive, and were covered with dirt and those who survived the shooting usually suffocated under the earth. There was no mercy – pregnant women and children were killed together with the rest of their families. Another method used in Krasnodar was hanging.
Gallows were erected in public places and bodies were left on display as a warning. Placards were sometimes hung around the victims’ necks, accusing them of being partisans or traitors. These executions were meant to terrorise the population into obedience and to discourage any form of resistance. Among the most notorious tools of murdering in eastern Europe were gas vans, which were later nicknamed “soul destroyers”.
These were sealed trucks disguised as ordinary transport vehicles. Victims were loaded into the cargo compartment, the doors were locked, and exhaust fumes were redirected inside as the vehicle drove to burial sites. By the time the vans arrived, everyone inside was dead or dying from suffocation.
In Krasnodar, gas vans were used extensively – even sick children from hospitals were taken and murdered there. During the German reign of terror around 7,000 civilians were murdered in and around Krasnodar. As the German defeat at Stalingrad on 2 February 1943 changed the course of the war and the Red Army began advancing, the occupation authorities in Krasnodar intensified the killings.
Prisoners were executed to eliminate witnesses of the German crimes and the Gestapo building was also set on fire with Soviet prisoners locked inside. As the Germans knew that they were starting to lose the war, they tried to hastily cover the mass graves and destroy documents.
Collaborators were ordered to help erase evidence by exhuming bodies and burning remains. Despite these efforts, the scale of the crimes could not be hidden, and survivors continued to speak once German control collapsed. When Soviet forces retook Krasnodar on 12 February 1943, investigators uncovered, despite previous German efforts, mass graves containing hundreds of bodies.
Medical examinations revealed, among others, signs of poisoning by exhaust gases. Survivors confirmed this when they testified about the gas vans, but also about the executions, and the role played by local collaborators who guarded prisoners, escorted victims, and participated directly in the killings of the civilians. The material evidence matched the stories, and the picture that emerged was one of organised mass murder carried out with routine efficiency.
The Soviets decided to prepare a military tribunal, to punish the crimes committed in the Krasnodar region. The trial took place between 14 and 17 July 1943 before the military tribunal of the North Caucasus Front and its preparations were overseen by the highest Soviet authorities, including Stalin himself.
The trial was given an almost demonstrative legal formality, even though the outcome had already been decided. No new evidence was presented and both the defendants and witnesses merely repeated statements made during the previous investigation. Those brought before the judges were not Germans, but ethnic Russians from rural backgrounds. Most were between 25 and 34 years old, and half of them had been members of the Communist Party or the Komsomol – communist youth league before the war.
The main charge was treason and only four defendants were charged with specific crimes. The remaining seven were charged with membership in Sonderkommando 10a and thus alleged participation in German crimes. Their complicity consisted mainly of participating in the arrest of partisans and underground fighters, guarding and transporting them to execution sites, and participating in gas van operations.
German commanders and Gestapo officers were named as the organisers of the crimes but were not present in the courtroom. Among those charged in absentia were General of the Infantry and commander of the 17th Army Richard Ruoff, head of the local Gestapo Kurt Christmann, and 13 members of the SS.
The trial focused on the collaborators as visible symbols of betrayal, even though the crimes themselves were planned and directed by the Nazi occupation system. The Krasnodar Trial revealed only part of what had happened in the city. It spoke of murdered Communists, partisans, Soviet activists, and civilians, but Jewish victims were largely absent from the official narrative, despite clear evidence that they had been targeted by Germans specifically.
The suffering of the civilians was presented as universal Soviet suffering, shaped to serve wartime unity and propaganda needs. During the proceedings, the defendants admitted their guilt and described their roles in arrests, guarding, and killings. Some spoke of fear, others of ambition or belief that Germany would win the war. All begged the court to spare their lives.
The verdict was announced on 17 July 1943. Eight of the defendants: Vassily Tishchenko, Ivan Rechkalov, Mikhail Lastovina, Nikolai Pushkarev, Grigory Misan, Yunus Naptsok, Ivan Kotomtsev and Ignaty Kladov were sentenced to death by hanging. Three others Grigory Tuchkov, Vassily Pavlov and Ivan Paramonov were sentenced to twenty years of forced labour in the Gulag system, a network of labour camps run by the Soviet state where survival was uncertain.
The three men sent to forced labour disappeared into the camp system. Transported eastward, they entered a world of exhausting work, hunger, disease, and violence. The execution of the 8 aforementioned Nazi collaborators took place on the morning of 18 July 1943. Gallows were erected in the main square of the city Krasnodar.
Around 30,000 people gathered, including women and children. Before the condemned men were hanged, their sentences were read aloud. Some died quickly, others struggled, trembling, as the crowd watched and many spectators applauded. The executions were filmed and photographed, and reports were published across the Soviet Union.
Even though the Krasnodar Trial did not punish all those responsible for the crimes committed during the occupation, it made the methods of German rule visible while the war was still ongoing. It showed how mass murder was organized and how local collaboration was used to carry it out. The message was clear – collaboration with the enemy would be punished publicly and without mercy.
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